Critical Inquiry

Winter 1996
Volume 22, Number 2

Excerpt from
Etiquette, Interdependence, and Sociabilty in Seventeenth-Century Science
by Mario Biagioli

Recently, historians of science have begun to look at the role of polite discourse and behavior within scientific societies and, more generally, at the moral economy of the republic of letters.1 These studies, by creating a comparative framework, suggest a relationship between local scientific etiquettes and the regimes of princely power within which they were articulated. As a working hypothesis whose full corroboration would require more evidence than I am able to provide here, I suggest that the development of these academy-based forms of scientific politeness may be related to what Norbert Elias has described as the symbiotic development of polite manners, court society, and political absolutism.2

In particular, I argue that the codes of civility associated with politcal absolutism framed the conditions of possiblity of a range of scientific sociabilities, forms of authorship, and notions of evidence. These codes did not determine the truth-value of specific claims about nature but structured how legitimate candidates for true or false claims ought to look.3 Civility may be seen as a microprocess (in Foucault's sense) through which the power regimes of absolutism shaped their subjects and their discourses (including those of savanrts working within princely academies) through fine-grained disciplining. This process was not without tensions, nor did it simply reproduce the power regime that framed it. As we know, the very meaning of subject changed in time. While natural philosophers were, quite literally, princely subjects, they eventually managed to legitimize methodologies, disciplines, and institutions that later became emblematic of modern subjectivity, not of baroque reason of state.

This essay looks at the first decades of scientific academies and relates the sociabilities and scientific styles developed in Italy, France, and England to the different degrees of princely involvement in those institutions, to the power of those various princes, and top the different institutional structures regulating the relationship between practitioners and princes. By doing so, I trace the transformation of the codes of princely etiquette that framed the legitimation of individual practitioners through dependence on individual princes into the academic politeness that, by structuring the interdependence among practitioners, informed their subjectivities, practices, and claims as members of scientific institutions.

1
Besides some of the literature on science at court, issues of politeness and etiquette are addressed in Steven Shapin, "Pump and Circumstance: Robert Boyle's Literary Technology," Social Studies of Science 14 (Nov. 1984): 481-520, "The House of Experiment in Seventeenth-Century England," Isis 79 (Sept. 1988): 373-404, "'A Scholar and a Gentleman': The Problematic Identity of the Scientific Practitioner in Early Modern England," History of Science 29 (Sept. 1991): 279-327, and A Social History of Truth: Civility and Science in Seventeenth-Century England (Chicago, 1994); Simon Scaffer, "Self Evidence," Critical Inquiry 18 (Winter 1992): 327-62, rpt. in Questions of Evidence: Proof, Practice, and Persuasion across the Dsiciplines, ed. James Chandler, Arnold I. Davidson, and Harry Harootunian (Chicago, 1994), pp. 56-91; Lorraine Daston, "Baconian Facts, Academic Civility, and the Prehistory of Objectivity," in Rethinking Objectivity, ed. Allan Megill (Durham, N.C., 1994), pp. 37-63 and "The Moral Economy of Science," Osiris 10 (forthcoming); Biagioli, "Tacit KNowledge, Courtliness, and the Scientist's Body," in Choreographing History, ed. Susan L. Foster (Bloominton, Ind., 1995), pp. 69-87; and Christian Licoppe, "The Chrystallization of a New Narrative Form in Experimantal Reports(1660-1690): The Experimental Evidence as a Transaction between Philosophical Knowledge and Aristocratic Power," Science in Context 7 (Summer 1994): 205-44.

2
See Norbert Elias, The Court Society, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Oxford, 1983). I sketched this arguemtn in "Scientific Revolution, Social Bricolage, and Etiquette," pp. 15-39. The existence of a cross-national trend toward philosophical politeness and its link with Elias's "civilizing process" have been discussed by Daston in "Baconian Facts, Academic Civility, and the Prehistory of Objectivity," pp. 53-54.

3
On the notion of candidates for true and false claims, see Ian Hacking, "Language, Truth, and Reason," in Rationality and Relativism, ed. Martin Hollis and Steven Lukes (Cambridge, Mass., 1982), pp. 48-66. See also Hacking, "'Style' for Historians and Philosophers," Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 23 (Mar. 1992): 1-20 and "La metafisica degli stili di ragionamento scientifico," Iride 4-5 (1990): 7-22, and Davidson, "Style of Reasoning, Conceptual History, and the Emergence of Psychiatry," in Disunity and Contextualism, ed. Peter Galison and David Stump (forthcoming).


Mario Biagioli is professor of history of science at Harvard University. He is the author of Galileo, Courtier (1993) and is currently completing, with Albert Van Helden, a book on the discovery of sunspots in 1612-13. This essay is part of a larger project on the author-function in early modern science.

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